There is a global conflict underway. A good way to understand it is by looking at the different interests that are coming into conflict. And a good place to begin is, of course, with:
The immigrants. People from the “global south” are immigrating north, inspired by the images of prosperity they see on television and the Internet and drawn by ever easier and cheaper transportation and lax immigration policies. In some cases, they are actually escaping real oppression. In most, however, they are merely running from poor, backward, relatively lawless, and restrictive systems. In any case, there is certainly mass immigration, mostly northward.
The conservatives. Conservatives view the demographic and cultural changes that this mass immigration brings with alarm. They have many different concerns:
- If demographic trends continue, it is easy to see how Christianity (or more precisely a slightly Christian secularism) might well be replaced in Europe by Islam within a few generations.
- Already, the presence of Islam in Europe is changing some legal processes, and Sharia law could well be instituted in some places before that much longer, if the Muslim population continues to grow.
- In the United States, immigration from the global south means more Democratic voters and more enthusiasm for socialism. Conservatives don’t like that.
- In general, Western civilization (religion, languages, tastes, mores), maybe especially in Europe, are weakened as non-Westerners move in.
- In Europe, places that have been largely free of crime for generations are suddenly dangerous. In America, a talking point (I’m not sure how well supported it is by statistics) is that there is more crime if we have more illegal immigrants.
- And yes, for some there is surely a racial element to their concern: they don’t want Europe, or America, to become less white.
The nationalists. I make a separate category for the Japanese, Hungarians, and others who are broadly opposed to immigration, period. They may be distinguished from Western conservatives who are often perfectly happy with a fair bit of immigration, just not unregulated, indiscriminate, and too much immigration. The Japanese, Hungarians, and quite a few others simply don’t want to change the character of their societies, as immigration might well do. They look at the effects of immigration on Europe and America and say, “No thank you.”
The progressives. On the other side, there are many progressives and liberals, as well as many libertarians, who essentially want there to be open borders. As with progressives’ demands for censorship, their increasing moral fervor for open borders is evident, but they don’t often want to admit it in so many words. But the reasons for the stance are clear:
- These are disadvantaged brown people who need our help. Why not give it to them? To exclude them from sharing in our prosperity is racist.
- Indeed, the conservative position is easily dismissed as racist, which by contrast gives progressivism a brighter moral luster. (That isn’t an argument progressives make, but it certainly seems to inspire them.)
- We can expect greater support for socialist, globalist projects from immigrants, who are more left-leaning. We can do more for them, and they will be grateful to and supportive of our programs.
- If the “Western” or “white” character of European and American civilization are in decline, let it decline. If there are people reproducing more, who can support social programs arriving from other places, that’s a good thing, not a bad thing.
The elites. Closely overlapping with, but distinguishable from, the rank-and-file progressive viewpoint is what I will call the elite viewpoint. Their concerns are perhaps hidden and cynical but no less real and influential:
- We need cheap laborers and “guest workers.” These immigrants do jobs our own people are not willing to do. Few will actually admit to thinking so, but a view aptly described “elitist” is that society actually needs an underclass and European and American societies need to replenish theirs.
- Immigration is shaping into a massive left-right fight, and that’s a good thing—it justifies concentrating power in the hands of the more enlightened power centers of Brussels and Washington, D.C., as well as justifying the seizure of new powers that, formerly, liberals would never have agreed to (such as control of speech and mass surveillance).
This conflict has come to a head recently—why? It seems to be a combination of factors. There has been lax immigration enforcement for generations; this has led to a growing flow (and now a flood) of immigration, including illegal immigration especially recently; there is again especially recently widespread pro-immigrant sentiment on the left and among elites, which has given political cover and support for expanded bases of social support; in recent years, tolerance of illegal immigration has become de rigueur, with signals everywhere in mass media indicating that complaints about illegal immigration is politically incorrect; meanwhile, some of the ill effects of illegal immigration, especially crime in Europe and political chaos in the U.S., have made immigration in general an important hot-button issue; and, finally, the urgency of the issue has radicalized some, who are all but declaring that they are in favor of open borders.
In other words, things are coming to a head especially because our elites and progressives seem increasingly openly in favor of open borders, and the borders really have been opening up. This would seem to entail an enormous change in global civilization; and it makes an adjudication of all of the issues listed above (and below) incredibly important to settle.
In a blog post last March, I asked whether Western civilization is collapsing. In the end, I didn’t find the question all that fruitful. Conservatives say yes, progressives say no or who cares, but it doesn’t seem that anything is going to be settled by discussing that question. I think it might be more enlightening to ask another: What do we want the world to look like?
The main options of immigration policy seem to bear directly on this question: open borders (as many progressives and libertarians want); the status quo (which nobody seems to want, but which seems very difficult to escape); traditional regulated immigration (which we all say we want, except for the explicitly open border radicals, but which the Establishment resists tooth and nail); and very little or no immigration (a la Japan).
The question is what we want the world to look like. It is difficult to clarify exactly what this important question even means.
But perhaps “What immigration policy do we want?” is not the question I want to ask. I’m asking a philosophical question that is, perhaps, prior to or in any event seems logically bound up with questions about immigration policy. The question is what we want the world to look like. It is difficult to clarify exactly what this important question even means.
It is tempting to place before the reader a few choices:
- Traditional pluralism. We want a smorgasbord of different nations, each having a different language and culture, a national religion, etc. In other words, more or less how the world was before the advent of globalism…and colonialism.
- Monoculturalism. We want a single global monoculture, everyone speaking the same language, having the same secular beliefs, democratic socialist politics, a vibrant culture of entrepreneurship, globally regulated Internet, etc. Eventually, a single world government.
- A midway position. Something in between these, more or less like what we have now. Maybe there will be a lingua franca like English and “best practices” for business and technology, and plenty of intermixing, but most countries (there will always be exceptions like the United States and Canada) will retain a national identity, even if they are members of superstates.
Then we might ask on what grounds we can adjudicate among these—and then proceed to the debate.
But this is also not quite an honest sort of debate to have. It is not unlike imagining what your ideal state would be like, and then telling an elaborate story about Utopia. This is fairly useless because unless Utopia is possible, then you’re simply telling a story. If you can’t rationally expect to be able to bring about your Utopia—if there is no clear way to get from here to there—then taking half-steps in that direction might well prove to be disastrous. For example, you might say you want a global secular monoculture, but if you expect to get one by advocating for open borders in the E.U. and the U.S., don’t expect to usher one in anytime soon. How are you going to get the rest of the world on board? And wait a moment—do you want the rest of the world on board? Or is it only the Western world that you want to lose any cultural distinctiveness? Would you prefer to have that (or to tolerate that) in Japan, Indonesia, Somalia, and Argentina?
So I don’t want to invite speculation on what your Globutopia would look like. It seems to me that the question really is “Do we want open borders—and if not, what sort of immigration policy?” after all. This is the relevant question in the sense that it is essentially the question we disagree on.
That is not to say there are not more fundamental questions than that. For example:
- Is it preferable that all or the vast majority of people in a country share the same culture—language, religion, traditions, mores, broad political culture (in the U.S., our “civic religion”), etc.?
- Is it preferable—if it is possible—that all the world share the same culture?
- Is it preferable—if it is possible—that all the world have roughly the same amounts and types of cultural difference among different countries? So it’s not a global monoculture, but global multiculturalism spread out everywhere.
- Is it possible for human beings with radically different cultures to get along very well in the same country? If it’s a problem, how much of a problem is it? What is the best solution to that problem?
These are essential, fundamental questions. If we don’t know our answers to these questions, it seems unlikely we will be able to defend our answers to “Do we want open borders?”
I would love to make advance tentative answers to those questions, but they are very difficult and I don’t want to go on for much longer. Probably many of you would be uncomfortable if I were to put these questions to you; that is probably why we don’t talk about these essential questions very much. They are deeply uncomfortable questions. They are politically fraught. But they are still important.
Here are a few notes on the four questions above:
- Suppose I say, thinking of a country like Ireland or Japan with a fairly distinctive culture that seems charming in various ways—that seems to benefit in various ways from being homogeneous—that it is a grand thing for everyone to share the same culture. Well, what does that say about the United States or India, countries with large minorities or various distinctive cultures? “Diversity is our strength,” we are told. Is it sometimes a strength and sometimes a weakness? Or what?
- Suppose I say, thinking of various dystopias and the morass that is global entertainment culture as interpreted by Hollywood (and its imitators elsewhere), that a global monoculture would be a massive mistake? On the other hand, I’ve observed many college educated people around the world going to similar hotels, restaurants, conferences, entertainment venues, riding in similar cars and trams, using similar tech, starting similar startups, etc., in New York, Paris, Dubai, Hong Kong, and Tokyo. They seem to like it. Everybody is nice and speaks English at their conferences. Is that so bad?
- The idea of global multiculturalism (like, Christians and Buddhists in equal numbers everywhere) strikes me as interesting but deeply implausible. Only educated cynics, mostly but not only Westerners, view religion as a smorgasbord that you can pick and choose from. That approach seems insincere and glib. Most of us think there are differences here that really matter. Surely the idea of “global multiculturalism” is not really possible. Is it?
- Then there’s the big question: Can people with radically different cultures be expected to get along in the same countries? Well, they certainly have to, that’s for sure. I don’t support religious wars, for example, or race riots, or (as in the U.S. lately) political skirmishes that resemble nothing so much as brawls between fans of opposing sports teams. But if it’s a problem, what’s really the solution? In the U.S., political differences have gotten so bad that some suggest we split the country in two—because we can’t get along. Terrible idea, I’m inclined to think.
I haven’t even mentioned another essential question to our current problem: Do we in the West have any special obligations to the people of the global south, either because their countries were formerly colonized, or because the West is more privileged? That’s a question we might want to answer separately even if we think we have the other ones figured out.
There are, in fact, other crucial and fundamental questions. Here’s another one: Are all cultures of equal value? Should some religions, for example, be stamped out? Don’t act all shocked, now. Some atheists think Christianity should be stamped out. Some conservative Christians want Islam in Europe and America stamped out. Muslims seem to want all other religions stamped out (but maybe especially Judaism). We’re probably all glad that human-sacrificing religions are gone.
What the hell do we want?
We should be talking about all of these issues and not letting them be settled by default by our elites.
Maybe I’ll hazard some answers later, but I’ll give you the floor now, if you’re brave enough.